Worshipping at sacred sites is a well-known cultural behavior all over the world and in Kyrgyzstan, worshipping at sacred sites is a wide spread phenomenon as well. In the Kyrgyz language sacred sites are called ‘mazars.’ ‘Mazar’ is a word from the Arabic language it means “a place which is visited.” It is an object of pilgrimage, usually the grave of a Muslim saint. Over time the word came to be used to designate any place with a sacred character (Aitpaeva, p.118, 2006). Further, in the article sacred sites will be referred to as mazars.

The site of this study is the Nyldy ata (Nyldy father) complex of mazars in the village of Özgörüsh, which is located in the northern part of Kyrgyzstan, in the Talas district. As key figures of research project were chosen predominantly shaykhs (guardians of mazars) and zyiaratchys (pilgrims). Shaykh is Arabic word and means “elder person” but also a guardian. Shaykhs of Muslim mausoleums, mazars and other sacred sites. During medieval times in Muslim countries ‘shaykh-ul-muslim,’ had interpretation of a leader and a head of Muslims. The word zyiaratchy comes from the word zyiarat. Zyiarat (ziyara- Ar. pilgrimage) in the understanding of Kyrgyz Muslims nowadays means visiting local mazars, rocks and mountains that are connected to the names of prophets, mashaykhs (saints or pious monks) and kojo shaykhs (kojo – Pers. khoja, master) with a goal to make certain wishes, to ask for salvation from sins and to pray (Kyrgyz Ethnographic Dictionary, p. 506-187, 2005); (Privratsky, p. 1; 32, 2001); (The Encyclopaedia of Islam, p.379-98, 1997);

Shaykhs and zyiaratchys were involved in research project as cultural practitioners who have been worshipping and visiting mazars and who possess traditional knowledge of mazars. The concepts of rights and responsibilities related to mazars are related to ethical ideas of local community members.

In the preamble of AAA ethics, in the first sentence it states that anthropological researchers, teachers and practitioners are members of many different communities, each with its own moral rules or codes of ethics. I assume that if not necessarily with its own code of ethics but certainly with own understanding of ethics or moral expectations. That anthropologist can find themselves in complex situations and subject to more than one code of ethics; The AAA Code of Ethics provides a framework, not an ironclad formula, for making decisions.” (AAA Code of Ethics, 1998).

Alexandra Bobrestova in her, “Special Ethical Code of the Researcher-Propogator: ‘Emotional Contact’ and ‘Impassive Observation,’” made a very important statement that confirms my thesis. She said, “Until the present time, no common ethical rules for cultural fieldwork have been formulated, and the existing viewpoints concerning this range from ethical absolutism to ethical relativism. At the period of ‘post-modern’ science, the most widely spread opinion was that, in each case or in a concrete situation, it is the scientists themselves who are to solve the ethical issues brought into question. The existence of any common standards or rules was considered to be absolutely impossible.”

Thus, this article will present ‘rights’ and ‘wrongs’ of making a map of the mazars at Nyldy ata, and worshipping and behaving at mazars since zyiaratchys are strongly recommended to follow certain strong social expectations while they visit mazars. Since I mentioned, the zyiaratchys, the visitors to the Nyldy ata complex, I would like to tell briefly about the stories of zyiaratchys and the usual or most common reasons why people visit the Nyldy ata complex. What are the possible reasons that provide a conducive condition that makes people visit mazars at Nyldy ata? When I went to the Nyldy ata complex of mazars with the shaykh of the complex to talk to zyiaratchys, I met there two men who stayed there for one night to pray for their own well being and that of their relatives. To my question, “why do you spent a night at the mazar?” one of them replied that he wanted to find the truth of this life. They were recommended to do so by the guardian of the mazar. A guardian of Nyldy ata not only looks after the mazars and keeps the springs clean but also heals people by using traditional methods of healing. Both of the zyiaratchys that were staying for one night at one of the mazars called Ordo at the Nyldy ata complex did not want to share the real reason of their visit to Nyldy ata, and also they were receiving the ‘dem saluu’ treatment from guardian. ‘Dem saluu,’ is a spiritual and physical empowerment and curing of the person. Specifically, the power of the individual is stimulated by performing the ritual of dem saluu. Moreover, they had decided to spend a night at the Ordo mazar. As they also mentioned the process of purification could be aided by spending a night at a mazar where everything is clean including the water, the air, environment and thoughts of the person as well. They believe in the power of the mazar that has the ability to purify and to give energy to zyiaratchys. The ages of the visitors to mazars vary from young to very old visitors. As long as the person needs help related to her/his health than s/he visits mazars.

As a first result of the mapping project we were able to hear the “voices” of the local practitioners as shaiykhs and guardians about their hopes, fears and concerns.

The strong beliefs of Kyrgyz people in the power of mazars and their ancestors, and the phenomena of worshipping at sacred sites in general conducive to preserve the ecology and cultural environment that is essential for survival.

Thus, I support the opinion that Stephan Dömpke expresses in his article, “Yssyk-Köl – A Sacred Land in Central Asia,” where he states that, “traditional populations historically have had at their disposal comprehensive and time tested knowledge about sustainable forms of the use of natural resources and the protection of biological diversity. This knowledge has been connected to cultural systems, worldviews and practices that render meaning and values to it, and because of this, ensure their tradition from one generation to the next” (Dömpke, p15, 2004).

During the research and interviews I heard the word “blessing” many times. It could be a blessing of spirits, blessing of Allah or blessing of the ‘owner’ of the mazar. Blessing in Kyrgyz is ‘bata’ which could be a sign of acceptance. People take part in rituals in order to define their roles in society and to feel as a part of this society.

Practice of worshipping at mazars is not only a cultural practice of people that inhabit in Central Asia but one of the ways to learn lore and moral teachings of Kyrgyz people.

Emil Shükürov claimed in his article that it is important to emphasize that holy places satisfy the spiritual needs of human beings, which are sometimes more important than the material ones.

Based on research I would like to conclude that zyiaratchys in Talas, every research or certain and particular situation has its locally relevant and locally sound ethics. In other words ethics in accordance with particular situation. In this article I tried to express all fears, hopes and concerns of Kyrgyz practitioners. All mentioned ethical expectations might not be relevant or applicable to other cases of the same country. I strongly believe that ethics has a situational character.

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This is a short version of the paper.